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The origen and impact of GARVEYISM in Equatorial Guinea Abuy Nfubea

 The origen and impact of GARVEYISM in Equatorial Guinea 

Abuy Nfubea 

 “The first time I heard about Marcus Garvey was in 1982 during my first communion. Because my uncle Ambrosio, my father and my uncle Rufo made fun of the uniforms of the La Bartola school, my mother said they were pretty because they were those of the Black Start Line officers. We had no fucking idea who this guy was, but that simple mention of his name seemed to silence the elders. My brothers and I understood that he was something good, this guy Garvey.”


I would like to express my gratitude to the great African journalist Olatunji of the Afrika Speaks radio programme and the great brother leader Mbandaka of the Alkbulan Revivalist Movement and his dear wife Comrade Sista Kai.

This master class introduces us to the historical and epistemic foundations in Equatorial Guinea of the UNIA-ACL Universal negro imporviment Association and African Community League, a global pan-Africanist organization founded in Jamaica by the very honorable Marcus Garvey and Amy Aswood in 1914. Its roots in the then colonial territories of Spanish Guinea are in 1929, although his influence is earlier with the inheritance left by pastor Ndowe Ebieye Bikiengue author of the book in Benga language in 1855. During his stays in Philadelphia as students he met Delany, Douglass, T BookerT, H Sylvester Williams, Alexis among others Crummell, Edward Blaiden, Athily Rodgers, Absalon Jones, Paul Bougle, the work of Paul Cuffe and the American Colonization Society. On his return to Guinea, he founded the Presbyterian churches of Corisco in the middle of the 19th century, being the first black pastor in all of Central Africa. Author of the work in Benga language Benga customs and other neighboring towns His openly pan-Africanist ideas will create a very serious conflict with the Spanish colonial administration, the local Tio Tom ndowe and the Claretians after the Berlin conference. That church extends to the island and capital Santa Isabel and were the first and only ones to display the RBG flag since 1920. At the same time through the Fernandina community with strong links and connections in Liberia, Jamaica and Sierra Leone. These groups that secretly financially support the anti-fascist war in Ethiopia against Mussolini's invasion and genocide, a resistance led by Negus HIM. Joined the clandestine circulation by privileged sectors of the colony of copies in Spanish and English of the newspaper The Negro World as well as the literary work of Booker T. Washington, Up from Slave translated into Spanish as Memorias de un esclavo negro. Censored book marked by the Spanish authorities as communist, and banned in the colony

       

EQUATORIAL GUINEA 


Republic of Equatorial Guinea is a small country in Central Africa that speak official tonge Spanish  that was a colony of Spain since 1777 - 1968, although 3 centuries previously its people were plundered and enslaved by Spain and Portugal and sent as slaves to the Americas. After strong figthing, the peoples of  Equatorial Guinea gained independence from Spain on October 12th, 1968. 

THE INFLUENCE OF MARCUS GARVEY IN EQUATORIAL GUINEA

Garvey was born in 1887 in St. Anne's Bay, the same town where the king of reggae Bob Marley was born in a community of maroons in a palenque in Jamaica. Descended from a family of Kromantis from Ghana. At the age of 7, his grandmother, a member of the African lodge of the Abakua, told him: "We were never slaves of King George of England, our homeland is Africa, since we came from Africa we rebelled, killed the masters, burned the plantation and fled to the mountains." This vision had a great impact and conditioned the young Garvey. Due to the economic difficulties of his family, at the age of fourteen he studied arts and crafts, learning the business of printing and the press, specializing in journalism. Jamaica was still an English colony, he became interested in politics and soon became involved in projects aimed at helping the lowest in society. He joined the national club at a very young age, at 18 years old. Dissatisfied with the condition of the Africans, he traveled through Latin America: Colombia, Panama, Chile, Brazil, Costa Rica, Honduras where he discovered the worst conditions of oppression of the Africans. THERE HE FOUNDED SEVERAL NEWSPAPERS. He arrived in London in 1912 and stayed in Europe for two years. During this time he paid much attention to Irish independence and other struggles. He was also exposed to the ideas and writers, politicians, activists, African anti-colonial revolutionaries who gathered in the British capital around the newspaper, African Times and Orient Review. He attended the founding congress of the IRA so nationalism both in Ireland and in Africa, together with ideas such as race conservation, undoubtedly had an impact on Garvey. As its editor-in-chief, Garvey travelled through Spain and Portugal in 1911 with the intention of obtaining permission from the Spanish authorities to be able to settle somewhere in Africa, probably the then Spanish Guinea or Liberia as so many other African Americans did inspired by the pan-Africanist movement back to Africa. He went so far as to write to King Alfonso XIII and was refused permission. However, he visited the Athenaeum in Madrid, held talks with anti-colonial groups in Barcelona, ​​Madrid, Lisbon, and stayed in a hotel on Calle Antón Martin. He later recalled that the most influential experience of his time in London was reading Booker T. Washington's autobiography Up From Slavery. This work and this character was one of the most influential to Garvey. T. Booker believed that blacks needed to improve themselves first, by showing whites that they deserved equal rights. Although politically involved always behind the scenes, Washington repeatedly asserted that Africans would not benefit from political activism and started an agrarian and industrial training school in Alabama that embodied his own philosophy of Afro self-help.


THIS IS 4 THE RAZA


He initially kept very much in line with Washington by encouraging his fellow African population in Jamaica to work hard, demonstrate good morals and strong character, and not to concern himself with politics as a tool to promote their cause. Garvey did not make much headway in Jamaica. And I decided to visit America to meet Booker T. Washington and learn more about the situation of Africans in the US. When Garvey arrived in the United States in 1916, Washington had died, but Garvey decided to travel around the country and observe the Africans of America and their struggle for equal rights. Garvey embraced these ideas and returned to Kingston in 1914 to found, together with his girlfriend and later wife and also activist, Amy Aswhood, the UNIA with the motto "One God! One goal! One destiny!"


FIELD NEGROES

EBYA BI KIENGWE 


The origin of Marcus Garvey's ideas in Equatorial Guinea is in the Presbyterian Pastor who was the first to be formed in the USA in all of Central Africa, called Ebya biKiengwe, from the Benga tribe who founded the Presbyterian Church of Corisco in 1865 and who in his book Customs of Venga and of the neighboring peoples wrote in (Benga language) Translated into Spanish by Praxedes Rabat Makambo. He belonged to a social class of notables within the Ndowe nobility. His paternal family were experts in traditional African medicine Ngangan, becoming the kind of reformist, Erasmian and intellectual leader. Soon the church spread to Santa Isabel (Fernando Poo) with Samuel Ebuka as the Methodist church linked to the Creoles, Liberians and Sierra Leone, passes to the continent in Biyabiyan Ebibiyin. Ebya biKiengwe was the first to say:

“that blacks themselves should promote their own businesses to be self-sufficient and not depend on whites and those who were well off to gain self-determination from emotional and economic independence”

During his stay as a student in Philadelphia he connected with the BACK TO AFRICA movement that emerged and evolved from anti-slavery. He connected with Martin Delany, Paul Cuffe, Alexander Crummel, Henry Silvester Williams and Edward Blyden like him were protestant pastors, intellectuals and pan-African activists who promoted the Liberian paradigm. These pan-African ideas and their Garveyist theoretical and methodological perspective had great influence. The impact of this movement was decisive and noticeable in the construction of the Garveyist, pan-Africanist consciousness and the struggle for self-determination in Equatorial Guinea in the 1930s-60s. 

ABOLITION 


The fight against slavery and in favor of the rights of blacks when proclaiming human beings against subordination, although the kings of the island of Corisco collaborated in the slave trade that had business with the Portuguese Spanish in the slave trade. Ebya Bikiengue had a lot of charisma because he was a religious leader influenced by Edward Bleyden and the ideas of Back to Africa. So that his influence was international reaching as far as Gabon and Duala he was seen as a revolutionary. Imprisoned and persecuted, exiled and expelled by the Spanish and died imprisoned in Malabo. However, Ebya Bikiengue greatly influenced King Uganda I, who was married to the daughter of Bonkoro IV - and as a woman could not be king, he was made king in 1843. Uganda was Presbyterian and absorbed many of the radical ideas of Ebia Bikiengue, Uganda was the precursor to the Garveyist ideas that led to the independence and pan-African movement of Equatorial Guinea. The Methodists participated in the First Pan-African Congress of 1900 convened by Henry Silvestre Williams. They left Great Britain for Guinea to the island. The Baptists arrived in Equatorial Guinea with the idea of ​​spreading the gospel and the Anabaptists from Jamaica had many problems with the Catholics and were expelled and took refuge in Limbe, Cameroon. Slavery was legal at that time. The Jesuits arrived in 1829 and then in 1883 before the Berlin conference the Claretians arrived. In order to attend to this, Spain granted France the surveillance of the coasts regarding the abolition of slavery and it was the moment when Spain intensified the slave trade with destination Argentina, Peru and America. The Ndowes were offered a series of autonomy but Uganda, faithful to the Ebya Bikiengue ideas, demanded and spoke for the first time of the independence of Equatorial Guinea. It was Uganda.

THE IMPACT OF BALYDEN IN EQUATORIAL  GUINEA 



Briefly explain how Garveyism came to Equatorial Guinea and what practical and theoretical problems appear there in Equatorial Guine. Garveyism really is an ideology, a practice, a philosophy, daughter of anti-colonialism, anti-slavery, that is to say, Pan-Africanism that we know as a Garveyist Pan-Africanism, but it has two very different major stages. The first stage is directly linked to the work of Edward Blayden, Back to Africa, and the influence of the Jamaican Anabaptists within what he calls historical. There is an antagonism with Slavery as the father of Pan-Africanism, with a very explicit and very clear theory, saying Africa for Africans. Or how they are formed, because in Garvey's work there are very diverse ways of systematically posing this mixture. The call to action and a historical-social description, then the two fundamental classes that will lead to Ethiopianism, Jamaican Anabaptists, and Pan-Blackism. They are the African bourgeoisie and the black proletariat that comes out of slavery but continues to live as slaves in the era of the rise of capitalism and neocolonialism, these classes in their confluence will arrive and in the development of the productive force within what is said will reach a degree of consciousness thanks to characters of the African personality in the context of the occupation of the continent, this being an anticolonial slogan prior to the reparation in Berlin. There will be a tremendous change in 1835 when Ebia Bikienge expands from Corisco to Santa Isabel, Limbe and Biayabiyan, being the majority fraction in its militancy among the reformed ideals. After the UNIA-ACL convention in 1920, in a more systematic way, Garvey sets in motion a revolution of black consciousness at a world level, he will understand that in the stage of imperialism as Elijah Mohamed or Kwame Nkrumah called it and defeating that opposition, but there will be a worldwide opposition between the dominant European peoples and the dominated black African peoples between the center and the periphery between those who exploit the poorest who are later called the third world. The Relationship with the Iglesia Metodsite in Santa Isabel so of course he came under the auspices of a missionary so he was for the early part of his time in Liberia associated with the presbyterian missionary he did eventually fall out with the presbyterian missionary and that possibly can be accounted for because of his increasing questioning the role of Christianity in the lives of Africans, he made the argument that Christianity required Africans to give up too much if you will elements of their culture their conversion had to also be a westernization process which he he argued was not necessarily what Africa needed um so in that sense he gravitated towards Islam although as far as we know he was never a convert to Islam but he gravitated to the idea that Islam in its converting Africans did not require a complete change did not require for them to give up elements or aspects of their culture but rather integrated itself within within African societies and so um in the later years of his life he spent most of his time is Islamic communities in Sierra Leone and establishing schools by 1829 or 1830. So Edward was a Presbyterian pastor very proud of his blackness, what Kwame Toure called black power, he was the first to launch this slogan, black is beautiful, being one of the fathers of Pan-Africanism that moved in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Nigeria, he was a great activist and intellectual who wrote more than 20 books, he was the most direct influence on the emergence of Garvey. These ideas were deeply absorbed by Ebiya Bikiengwe first and then by King Uganda I, they will be the basis of Pan-African Garveyism in Equatorial Guinea.


WOMEN ALSO PLAY

For a study of the development of Pan-Africanism through the lives of iconic African women who made their mark on their era through their struggles and movements, we must understand that until Catholicism arrived, Benga from the 18th century onwards, the central axis of Garvey's Pan-Africanist ideas and with the appearance of Catholicism became the Combe. A Presbyterian branch that dates back to the 19th century, and they brought with them a school for the promotion and instruction of women, the first feminist institution. The wives of the pastors were the most prominent when it came to promoting Pan-Africanist ideas as an awakening of black consciousness, as a result of their contact as Presbyterian women wives of the pastors, which Dubbed the "back to Africa" ​​movement, the UNIA's doctrines emphasized racial ... Africa and even providing an outlet for black nationalist Guinean women's views. One of these influenced people like Bodiowa, a person who was later a native of the Litoral continent of the Combe tribe. This woman tends to contribute many hymns to the hymnal, more than many men, she is an emblem of the late nineteenth century. Another of these women is Mayoko Ma Ipwa who was the first woman who actively collaborated in the translation of the Bible from Spanish to the Combe language, she was a native of the Bata Ekuku area during the mid-twentieth century. Wife of Molonga Catholic of Ekuku and daughter of a Protestant pastor. When she married a Catholic with whom she had more than 8 children she became Catholic - after being widowed - she asked the Catholic bishop Leoncio Fernandez Galilea for permission to return to her original Protestant church and they allowed it. 


The heir of Ebia Bikiengue is Francisco Miongo and in Catholicism in the same line as Imelda Makole among the (oblates). The first black woman who participated in a synod that established in Equatorial Guinea the jurisdiction of the Protestant churches of Africa, in Philadelphia that was part of the clergy that had been created.  The mother of the eminent Dr Iyanga Pendi is a Protestant on her father's side, influenced by a Catholic upbringing. The great-grandfather of Francisco Jones Ivina was an early Presbyterian pastor at the time of Ebya Bikiengue at the end of the 18th century, contemporary with Ebya Bikiengue. During the 1960s, Garveyist ideas emerged through the Banapa seminary, where the progressive debate of the Second Vatican Council was taken advantage of by the young revolutionary leaders  as Atanasio Ndongo, Gori Molubela and Damoso Sima, a native of Kogo.


FRIENDS OF ETHIOPIA 

Anger toward the Italian occupation engulfed the world. In Trinidad, longshoremen boycotted Italian ships and refused to help unload them. After a proposition by the Hindu trade unionist Adrian Rienzi, Blacks and Asians also constructed a shared anti-war platform in defense of Ethiopia. It was, after all, Ethiopia that successfully defeated the first Italian invasion attempt, at the Battle of Adwa, in 1896. Italian revenge, as the invasion was perceived, would do much to dampen the morale of the global anti-colonial movement, which saw Ethiopia as inspiration for Africa and Asia. Jamaicans exhibited a fit new international race consciousness. In the small islands of Saint Vincent and Saint Kitts, in 1935, riots took place. And in Saint Lucia, a local chapter of the International Friends of Ethiopia wrote a motion condemning the British embargo on arms to Ethiopia. In Jamaica, parents pulled their children out of schools after unfounded rumors proliferated claiming Italians had been sent to poison them. In the U.S., the Harlem Communist Party, under the leadership of James Ford—who would later become the first black man to run on a presidential ticket—managed to organize a protest in New York that brought 100,000 to march against the war. Later, Ford would volunteer on the side of the republicans and anti-fascists who were waging a war against General Franco (Italy’s ally) in Spain. He declared: “This ain’t Ethiopia, but it’ll do.” hundred of Caribeans from  Jamaica, Santa Lucia, Granada, Haiti, Bermudas etc… From British colonial authorities and members of the exhibited a fit of panic at this new international race consciousness, and one could not blame them. A flurry of telegrams had been exchanged by world powers, particularly colonial officials. One colonial officer in Uganda, Hesketh Bell, reflected that if “a distant West Indian island, remembering their African ancestry, should appear to feel so deeply this attack by a white power on the only remaining negro nation,” then it was clear a black internationalism would emerge “among the teeming population of our vast African territories.” A black international, he declared, “would be a misfortune of the first magnitude.” Another colonial official was agitated by the “bellicose sons of Ham in Jamaica, so anxious to serve two masters.”

UNIA-ACL IN FERNANDO POO  

At the end of 1920, after the UNIA-ACL convention a group of Fernandinos and their descendants formed the Universal Association for the Advancement of the Negro, constituting Division No. 172. The event consisted of a Eucharist, songs followed by a meal with a tablecloth of an RBG flag. Presided over by a photo of Garvey where one could read in Spanish: Africa for Africans at home and abroad. For propaganda purposes and to seek support for the Pan-African Movement, it was unfoundedly said that Garvey was touring Africa and would soon arrive in Santa Isabel with his brand new ship. Many Krio, who knew or had contact with UNIA-ACL in London, Cuba, Sierra Leone, Corisco or Liberia, transmitted in their churches and clubs the message of returning to the home of their ancestors in Africa where they would be useful to the race and successful socioeconomically. These ideas helped the Krio and Equatorial Guinea to achieve economic success in Equatorial Guinea. They considered that here they had better living conditions, despite the exploitation and discrimination suffered by blacks in general, they only demanded to be respected as human beings, which shows that a double process of acculturation took place. They are seeing and defending their identity in the “new” community they have created. In 1935 a ship arrived in Santa Isabel with a delegation of Jamaican ex-combatants from the Pan-Africanist international brigades that were fighting in Ethiopia under the orders of Haile Selassi against the fascist occupation of Mussolini. Although the ship was going to Kingston with stops in Lagos, Nigeria, the Canary Islands and Ghana. After consulting with Madrid, the republican government of Azaña, allowed them to dock and they received visas and food for several weeks, although the governor expressed in a telegram to Madrid his fear of the psychological consequences that the image of emancipated blacks people armed in the city could have on the natives black colonized guineans. The governor of the spanish colony  prohibited them from displaying their weapons in the streets, so these had to be confiscated and kept in the general police station at the Malabo post until their return to remain on the ship. Meanwhile, in Barcelona, the newspaper La Vanguardia opened its front page with a four-column report interviewing Selassi on his way through Gibraltar on his way to exile. They were welcomed by a sector of Liberian and Krio high society in Santa Isabel. On their journey they spread throughout Guinea and Africa the foundations of the sanctity announced by Garvey at the coronation of Ras Makomen. They referred to him as HIM, king of kings, conquering lion of the tribe of Judah of his imperial majesty of Abyssinia. The media of the time perfectly describe the “pinta” or clothing appearance of dread locqs. They were recognized on the island by their beards and dreadlocks, attributes that indicate a passion for the aesthetics of faith. The colonial authorities always saw them as something exotic but that should be watched. 

RASTAFARI IN LUBA

At a luncheon at a Maximilian Jones estate attended by a young Marcos Rope Uru, they expressed and made known the four central causes that led them to voluntarily embark and give their lives: recognition of the divinity of Jah Rasta, the spirit "that dwells in all", the idea of repatriation, the superiority of the black race and its historical connections with the children of Israel and the conduct of "Fear" a rebellious stance against white oppression. The basic doctrine is highly electic, incorporating aspects of African tribal consciousness as well as principles of the Old and New Testament, especially Ezekiel 30, 1 Timothy 6 and Revelation 17 and 19, with which they intend to demonstrate the divinity of Selassie and describe the invasion of Ethiopia by Italy. He is generally considered as a symbol of the black struggle. This west indies freedom figther were awarded with a dinner for pentecostés chursch in which the UNIA Flag symbol of Black unity and pride all over the world was displayed. Many African countries later sported the colors in their flags. And it is said that at that dinner The Universal Ethiopian Anthem written by Burrell and Ford was sung.

MBA MICHA

Mba Micha was a politician, catechist and ideologist, famous for his participation in the construction of the Mpkue Efulan seminary (esandon) and the beginnings of the black consciousness that will begin after his death to the IPGE. He became aware of seeing as a catechist the ruthless mistreatment of the Catholic Church. Mba Micha was born in Mikomiseng in the years in 1899, just after the death of the Bubi king Mookata was proclaimed as a catechist in 1928 for his charisma since he spoke Spanish, German without having gone to school he knew how to eloquently express the Bible and the catechism in Fang, In fact, he was a catechist long before Bonifacio Ondo Edu since they were the third or fourth generation along with Bishop Matogo. He was an ideological political mentor and those who trained Enrique Nvo Okenve because he wrote, sent and made leaflets with ecclesiastical, social and revolutionary content in protest against the horrible conditions of semi-slavery of workers, laborers and sent them to Enrique Nvo Okenve's father in (Mbea-Nzomo, Mikomeseng) At the beginning of the summer of 1950 Mba Micha, from the Nkwe seminary belonging to the Society of the Claretians, organized a meeting of catechists and an emancipated party in Nkwe, which was the spiritual capital of Spanish national Catholicism in Africa. with a truck with a flag with a cross and a virgin in which leaflets with propaganda were clandestinely distributed. It was at that meeting where Enrique Nvo's pope introduced them at a party or meeting. A week later they met at a nearby farm in Mikomiseng in the Esakunan area in one of the clandestine meetings of pan-Africanist trajectory. On January 5, 1946, taking advantage of a Eucharist in honor of the German soldiers who had surrendered to France after the Second World War and who went over to Spanish territory (Guinea) by the agreement between Franco, Mussolini, Hitler and Japan in the axis, some people related to the Catholic mission, emancipated and traditional chiefs, among whom was Mba Micha himself, founded the embryo of what later became MLN and years later IPGE Popular Idea of ​​Equatorial Guinea On August 22 of that year he went to Moyoo Cameroon to give speeches, where he received a pamphlet. Then Enrique Nvo decided to attend an assembly and was admitted as a member within a week. Mba Micha was the inspiration for the fourth generation of activists headed by Salvador Ndong Ekang, Acacio Mañe, Enrique Nvo, Marcos Rupe, or Macias, Léon M'ba who would be the first President of Gabon (1960-1967). As Enrique Nvo had an easier time travelling, as he was less controlled, he began to protest clandestinely in a regional context where there were many anti-colonial struggles linked to the problems that blacks suffered under the colonial oppression of the Claretian Catholic Church, such as Simon Kimbango and Simon Toco in Congo and Fulbert Youlou, a priest who was the first President of the Republic of Congo Brazzaville and father of independence who died poisoned in 1972 in Madrid, with the official version of death being hepatitis. At that time, when whites had a black man in authority, they were cornered. When they discovered that Mba Micha was a double agent, he was poisoned by the colonists – as happened to Felix Mumie – and died. Yes, it is not because of Mba Micha, Enrique Nvo Okenve would not be a politician. When talking about Enrique Nvo Okenve, we cannot forget Mba Micha, very little is known, even among people accustomed to these issues of the independence process of Guinea, about the life and work of Mba Micha. He is generally associated with two things: his role as mentor to Enrique Nvo Okenve. This year, more than the centenary of his death, we must reflect and remember his work that encompasses his biographical aspects, as well as his theological, ideological and thought facet, and, of course, the most important, that of a Pan-African nationalist politician and ideologist.

AFRICA FOR AFRICANS

 The closest Garvey came to stepping on African physically set foot on African soil, was when he was in Spain in 1912. But even today the songs and hymns of Presbyterian churches in Corisco still sing “Oh Garvey, son of Solomon, you have come home and taken us to the Creator.” Even when the UNIA-ACL declined after Garvey's death in London in 1940, Garveyism through the Creoles continued in Equatorial Guinea, taking political form first with the crusade and above all with the IPGE of Clemente Ateba and Macias Nguema in 1955.  Garvey's ideas, through Protestantism, influenced the Afrocentric interpretations of the Second Vatican Council, where the following stand out: Pastor Miongo, Jose Nsue Ngue Osa, Santiago Inestrosa Bejoli, Juan Nve Mba, Gustavo Nvela Boyedi, Eduardo Bodipo Malumba. For more information, we must refer to Enengue and Boyedi.

IPGE CLEMENTE ATEBA  


The Popular Idea of ​​Equatorial Guinea (IPGE) was a nationalist and garveyist Pan-Africanist political group from the 1950s. Its ideology was progressive pan-Africanism and its pan-African determination to unite or federate Equatorial Guinea and Cameroon after independence. This commitment to annexation with Cameroon, announced and defended by Luis Maho at an international conference in Ouagadougou (Burkina), and contemplated in article 3 of its statutes, took away support from the IPGE within the neo-colonial Guinean law, until it was suppressed at the Ebolowa meeting in March 1962, at the proposal of Agustín Eñeso and Esteban Nsue Ngomo. Historically very influenced by the garveysimo Nkrumah and UPC assumed the Clandestinity. Emerging from a split in the most pan-Africanist Garveyist sector of the National Movement for the Liberation of Equatorial Guinea (MONALIGE), it was formally established in 1958 by Equatorial Guinean exiles in Cameroon, constituting a pan-African project; its executive was formed by the Bubi Marcos Ropo Uri and Luis Maho Sicahá, the Fernandino Gustavo Watson Bueco and the Fangs Enrique Nvo, Pedro Ekong Andeme, Clemente Ateba or José Nsue Angüe, among others. After the approval by Spain of the Spanish provinces on January 10, 1958, the IPGE called a congress in Baney attended by, among others, Felipe Ndjoli, Alberto Mbande, Federico Ebuka and Pastor Toraó, agreeing on a plan of opposition to the colonial administration that included bringing to the United Nations the denunciation of provincialization and the demand for total independence. The job was entrusted to Enrique Nvo, with the plan that he would travel to Cameroon and use his contacts with the local Garveyist UPC to this end. Nvo arrived in his village, Mbé, Micomiseng, where he crossed the Ntem River on the border. From there he disappeared. Finally, in July of the same year, the IPGE managed to present a formal request for independence to the UN. However, Luis Maho, who would replace Enrique Nvo as party president, accepted positions in the colonial autonomous government formed by Bonifacio Ondó Edu in 1964; other prominent militants would go over to the National Unity Movement of Equatorial Guinea (MUNGE), led by Bonifacio Ondó. Product of laluc In November 1965, the Fourth Committee of the UN General Assembly approved a draft resolution calling on Spain to set a date for the independence of what was then still Spanish Guinea as soon as possible. In December 1966, the Spanish Council of Ministers agreed to prepare the Constitutional Conference. Several representatives of the party participated in the Constitutional Conference (1967-1968), which drafted the 1968 Constitution, including Antonio Eworo, Martín Mbo Mguema and Jovino Edu Mbuy.


1968 ELECTIONS & BLACK INDEPENDIENT

In the 1968 general elections in Equatorial Guinea prior to the country's independence, IPGE ran with Francisco Macías as leader, obtaining 36,176 votes (39.6%) in the first round, and in the second, with the support of the Unión Bubi party and MONALIGE, 68,310 votes (62.3%),6 obtaining 8 deputies in the National Assembly provided for by the 1968 Constitution. Later, under the Macías dictatorship, the party was dissolved and outlawed. Clemente Ateba Nso (Niefang, Spanish Guinea, 1930—Malabo, Equatorial Guinea, September 5, 2015) was an Equatorial Guinean politician and diplomat. In 1959 he was one of the founders of the Idea Popular de Guinea Ecuatorial (IPGE). He gave financial support to the Zen Misong group called the Way of Worms. During those years he was exiled in Cameroon. the ideas of nkrumah and Marcus Garvey For the Referendum on autonomy of Equatorial Guinea in 1963, he campaigned strongly in his native district against autonomy and in favor of independence. Spain presented it as a Pan-African thesis, since the IPGE had previously defended the accession of the territory to Cameroon. He was one of the members of the Equatorial Guinean delegation to the Constitutional Conference of Equatorial Guinea of ​​1967-1968, Madrid. During the presidency of Francisco Macías Nguema he served as ambassador to Congo Brazzaville and later to Gabon, ending his diplomatic career in 1973, when he fell into disgrace and was imprisoned. That same year, the opposition to the dictatorship, in its attempt to denigrate Macias, wrongly reported his murder. In 1991, under the regime of Teodoro Obiang Nguema, he was again Ambassador to Gabon and in 1992 President of the Niefang district. Ateba died at the age of 85 on September 5, 2015 at La Paz Hospital in Malabo, after a long illness.

4th INTERNATIONAL  

 The political organisations MALEVA 1979 and MOLIFUGE in 1973  are the continuators of the Pan-Africanist tradition that began with Ebya Bikiengue of the Presbyterian and Evangelical, Calvinist and Methodist Church. In 1999 Abuy Nfubea, Kemit Kahre , Ras Babiker y sista Rufina  foundet in Barcelona Spain the 4th Garveyist International Movement  arising Resolution from the Omowale process: A process reflection of 75 black grassroots organizations in Spain (1998-1999) convened by the Black Panther Party and the African philosophy school in Barcelona. The Garveyist creed was ratified during the the Spanish section of Black Panther Party PPN -EFA  of the African philosophy school, the unification congress in Barcelona. The founding Congress of the Pan-Africanist Federation in 2003 UCM, was assumed as the basis of the ideological doctrine of the IV Garveyist Pan-Africanist Cimarron Rastafari International. In 2019 it was updated during the VI Pan-Africanist Congress in Zaragoza. Points nombre 1 and two of the resolution were very clearly inspired by the work Philosophy and Opinions and African Fundamentalism

1.-All blacks are Africans. We are a people forced to disperse throughout the world, struggling separately, objectively speaking, trying to resolve the same fundamental contradiction: slavery, Eurocentrism, Apartheid, colonialism and immigration. Africans are everywhere. Our struggle is not isolated, but part of the global black revolution where Africans are exploited, and where the black liberation struggle is being waged against domestic neocolonialism.                                

 2.-The center of Black Revolutionary Consciousness is in our unconditional identification with Africa, and as long as Africa is not unified under a single nation, blacks, no matter how much money, knowledge, titles or privileges we have anywhere in the world, will be orphans without a homeland. It is precisely around the struggle to liberate and unify Africa that will give us the creative bases necessary to forge a revolutionary African culture. This must be the primary objective of every Pan-Africanist militant or black revolutionary. It is a goal that, if achieved, will satisfy the aspirations of all people of African descent. It will also fulfill the sacred goals of His Excellency the Honorable Marcus Garvey.


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LAS DIFERENTES POSTURAS SOBRE LA INDEPENDENCIA Y SEPARACIÓN DE GUINEA ECUATORIAL 1966

Texto editado por: Esasom Mba Bikie Nosotros el pueblo de Guinea Ecuatorial, no consideramos nuestro país pequeño, por eso decimos GRAN PAÍS. Aunque solo hubiera un hombre y una mujer en este país, para nosotros es EL GRAN PAÍS,  DEL GRAN PUEBLO DE LA GUINEA ECUATORIAL. Los guineanos aunque estemos solos, decimos que somos grandes. Por Francisco Macias Nguema Biyogo    VIERNES DÍA 19 DE AGOSTO DE 1966 Don ENRIQUE GORI MOLUBELA (Postura del Presidente de la Asamblea ante la INDEPENDENCIA DE Guinea Ecuatorial) Don Enrique Gori Molubela El 19 de agosto de 1966, día de su llegada, el Subcomité hizo una visita al Presidente de la Asamblea General, Don Enrique Gori Molubela. Asistieron a la reunión algunos otros miembros de la Asamblea. En una declaración de bienvenida, el Sr. Gori Molubela informó al Subcomité de que la totalidad del pueblo de Guinea Ecuatorial deseaba que el Territorio obtuviese la independencia. El problema residía en cómo y cuándo. Por su parte, el Sr. Gori Molub

III Simposio Internacional ËSÁASI EBWEERA Descolonizando el saber resistencia anticolonial de Guinea Ecuatorial 1860-1910

  III Simposio Internacional  ËSÁASI EBWEERA                           Descolonizando los campos del saber.   La resistencia anticolonial de Guinea Ecuatorial   1860-1910    Universidad Carlos III - Facultad Derecho                 4-5 Julio Getafe 2024     Las Margaritas   Getafe   Central PRESENTACIÓN Sas Ebwera sustituyó al Mookata como fue rey de los bubis desde 1899-1904. A pesar de los más de un siglo transcurrido y de los esfuerzos por enterrar su memoria, sigue siendo un personaje político, histórico, enigmático, mítico y todavía muy temido: un tabú. Quizás porque constituye una parte central de la resistencia política y memoria histórica bubi y de los pueblos de Guinea Ecuatorial frente a la modernidad o colonialidad. Coincidiendo con el 120 aniversario de su muerte, acaecida el 4 Julio de 1904-2024, en el marco del decenio Afrodescendiente ONU 2014-2024, este III Simposio Internacional ËSÁASI EBWEERA La resistencia anticolonial de Guinea Ecuatorial 1860-1910:  const

Acto 32º Aniversario de la Fundacion del Movimiento Panafricanista de España 1986-2016

32º Aniversario de la Fundación del Movimiento Panafricanista de España 1986-2017 PREFACIO Acabar con el Mto. negro -cimarrón - ha sido un objetivo de todos los gobiernos anteriores y posteriores a la democracia en España. Sin embargo, tras 40 años  el MPE,  es hoy la única organización Negra activa en España, nacida en Madrid durante la transición. La verdadera razón de que el Mto. Negro siga  subsistiendo, no esta en su gran cobertura social, sino en su estrategia política, con sus raíces en la experiencia afro de los 70-80.   El  Movimiento-Panafricanista es un espacio  político sociocultural cuya filosofía  se dedica a la búsqueda de la agencia africana-en todas las áreas y sectores de la sociedad. E termino panafricanista   se usa para hacer referencia a los partidos u organizaciones de ideología nacionalista revolucionario negra de la línea garveyistas y afrocentrada, que a su vez son de cimarrones o revolucionarios, sea en forma de comunismo, socialismo o socia